Traditional Festivals: A Multicultural Encyclopedia

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Christian Roy. What do these observances reveal about their cultures of origin? Traditional Festivals: A Multicultural Encyclopedia travels around the world and across the centuries to uncover an often unexpected richness of meaning in some of the major sacred festivals of the world's religions, the hallowed calendars of ancient civilizations, and the seasonal celebrations of tribal cultures. Readers will get a vivid sense of what each festival means to the people celebrating it; how each captures its culture's beliefs, hopes and fears, founding myths, and redemptive visions; and how each expresses the universal need of humans to connect their lives to a timeless spiritual dimension.

Date Signature No purchase order needed; signature authorizes order. Authorized Signature. Related Papers. By Humi Thaosen. The articulation of cultural traditions thus lent emphasis on political and economic resources in which representatives upheld local and regional interests with the central government, and spectators from a particular ethnic group rallied behind their own zoba shows in search of such awards. This has without coincidence increased its representation in government circles and encouraged several other zobas to open their own annual folk-fairs in order to score political points and claim economic resources from state treasures through presentation of cultural traditions and participation in national development projects.

The success of such shows, types of prizes, nature of hospitality for artists and so on depend greatly on state resource allocations. The representatives are placed upfront with the music and dance artists in the background. They are charged with the task of introducing and contextualising the various cultural shows and serve as intermediaries between artists and spectators.

Although there is public jubilation and enthusiasm about all these developments, and an overall excitement and assessment about material culture products remunerated through Raymoc proceeds, there is no jury that judges traditional regional musical compositions or dance steps. Instead choreography and popularity of music and dance shows are judged by the rise and fall of applauses during stage presentations. Indeed, the success of such live performances is determined by the smoothness of the presentation from the standpoint of an audience reaction because many traditional artists are impressed with the tenacity of people who come to watch them, and try to come up with creative means to encourage and facilitate prolonged attention.

At the same time, however, artists involved in continuous presentations soon became bored with repeated stage shows. The stage performances are all the time followed by aftermath dialogues, some supportive, others critically negative. It is these commentaries that actually influence the stage acts, but because not everyone sees the same performances, there are different comments on various cultural presentations. One of the primary reasons for going to the festival village is then to see the various indigenous cultural shows of the different Eritrean ethnic groups and to engage in the lively conversations about them that take place at various eating and drinking locations within the festival grounds.

Artists, spectators, and other people in their festival finery come from inside and outside Asmara or Eritrea in anticipation of meeting family, friends and strangers and speaking to them in different languages. Part of my knowledge about the political dimensions of this very festival comes from such commentaries. Because of their central place in the festival calendar and their status as the most important events, they attract the attention and participation of a large number of individual or crowd supporters among spectators so much so that festival organizers not only always believed that without traditional live musical presentations the spirit of the festival would decline and that visitor participation and by extension revenues would be low, but that most Eritreans also considered them as the legitimate forums for national identity formation.

Although festival artists and participants can wear things of their liking, ethnic group and religious affiliations or loyalties are sometimes expressed through cultural clothing. During rest periods, festival artists took snack breaks, moved around and did errands, changed clothing for different presentations and left for and came back from lavatories while spectators wandered and drifted in and around live stage performance places.

The general public milled about everywhere in the festival grounds and many a times encroached the circles occupied by traditional artists. Musicians and dancers from diverse Eritrean ethnic groups offered their various talents to bring to life not only the festival but also their status as an ethnic and linguistic community within a national Eritrean society 7. These traditional artists usually give three to four formal presentations per day during the festival weeks.

While most main-stage musical presentations are highly amplified and can often be heard all over and beyond the festival fences at the Expo grounds, they all articulated the national sentiments of Eritreans and their catchy chorus sometimes tempted audience members to sing and dance along. In a way, then, this annual festival provides Asmarinos, other Eritrean residents, overseas Eritreans, and foreign tourists the chance to know and learn about the larger social and cultural foundations of the various Eritrean ethnic groups, educates the culturally illiterate Eritrean diasporic and touristic audiences, and calls upon the concepts of cultural diversity and national unity across regions and continents.

The live performances themselves present a comparative perspective by bringing together Eritreans from different cultural groups who wear different costumes, display varied bodily decorations, speak different languages, profess different religions, and play similar or different string, wind and percussion musical instruments. Although these two aspects are closely intertwined, the official publicised face of the festival is cultural, not political. In this respect, questions pertaining to ethnicity, linguistic identity, and religious affinity that make its voice heard in the national political arena are mediated by the creation and conservation of a common culture.

The conservation of this commonly shared cultural heritage includes the invention of Eritrean traditions by way of museums and folk-fairs and festivals. In Eritrea, as elsewhere I am sure, museum material culture objects find their way into walls and shelves removed from makers and viewers. Usually the people who make or made these material culture objects are not included in exhibitions, instead such objects are frozen representations of people disarticulated from their cultural contexts. Indeed stage performances are framed as cultural demonstrations because the presenters introduce the performances by talking about the culture the traditional artists come from, which is precisely the sort of information that would lead to the promotion of cultural conservation.

Thus live cultural presentations demand communicative competence subject to evaluation well and beyond their informational content because stage artists talk, sing, and act in front of an audience. For the most part, both artists and spectators enjoy their involvement, get increasingly caught up in the mood and spirit of the event, and demonstrate pride in their heritage by taking part in the music and dance stage presentations.

For organisers, festival semantics, rather than pragmatics, are fore-grounded with attention focused on stage preparation and audio installation, while for spectators it is a show and entertainment that taught them about Eritrean cultural traditions. In general, cultural troupes coming from the different regions of Eritrea perceived themselves as keeping alive valued traditions and felt proud of their status as representatives of their own cultural heritage which they expressed through stage song and dance presentations, and display of costumes and bodily adornments.

Several artists who come back to the festival year after year do so because they strive on forming close bonds among themselves and with others.

Black People in Pakistan traditional Culture.

In some cases, this created a reunion of old friends both within and across ethnic groups. If there were perceived embarrassments and infelicities, they faded away with the passing of time. Many talked about the cultural education received from the different Eritrean ethnic groups. Others reiterated the vicarious enjoyment they received from the validation of the importance of their cultural traditions, and that they felt very good about being able to make fellow Eritreans and foreigners alike happy through live performances, not to speak about the prestige artists felt due to their invitation to the festival itself.

Still others had gotten used to each other so well that they felt comfortable to articulate their views on the differences between their real rural songs and dances and the stage presentations at the festival grounds. Overall the greater in-depth cultural knowledge derived from the festival and the long-term acquaintance created among artists and spectators contributed to the positive experiences of the festival and thereby led to the preservation of cultural traditions.

The curatorial or conservatorial concern is directed toward these larger living cultural traditions from which the stage performances are generated. In this event, many spectators discovered artistic traditions and life-ways unknown to them, and led some of them to join hands with folk artists in folk dances and other intimate personal involvements through gift exchanges. Similarly, younger Eritrean spectators became more interested in their cultural traditions, traditions about which they new little while experienced Eritrean diasporic community members carried over their observations and reminiscences to overseas fellow Eritreans who have never been exposed to the festival before.

A dance, for example, becomes a symbol of a larger performance, in itself a symbol of a larger community, culture or country. Their representation of other members of the Eritrean community, and community culture more generally was understood as a representation of larger traditions, larger communities, or larger cultural and national bodies. The complexity and contingency of the contemporary and historical experiences that ground Eritrean identity and the need to use a term such as Eritreans then refer to the enactments and negotiations of national identity that take place within the symbolic and expressive milieus of festival presentation, competitions, and the links of politics and economics that construct the Eritrean nation from local cultural traditions.

For example, allowing all the zoba music and dance presentations to take place at prominent locations within the festival grounds is a strategy to counter the suspicion of cultural superiority of some music and dance groups, and by the same explanation of some ethnic and linguistic groups.

This notion of a unified national identity not only therefore transcended regional cultural traditions, but also drew on the idea of a fundamental tie to a native land embedded in Eritrea as a nation. But each presentation is also assessed largely in terms of its success as a form of entertainment in which people participated directly, watched and judged the presentations, and interacted with the formally staged cultural enactments. It disseminates cultural understanding in popular form, promotes the artistic and aesthetic values of the various Eritrean ethnic groups, creates a public forum for cultural criticism, and provides raw materials for stage presentations of Eritrean cultural traditions through musical and dance shows, and portrayal of regional costumes and bodily adornments that are rapidly receding in public memory.

These cultural and political representations facilitate the continuation of local and regional traditions and the construction of the identity of the Eritrean nation. It is these sorts of developments that have led to the formation of plans for the establishment of folk-fairs and festivals at the regional and community levels.

Table of contents for Traditional festivals : a multicultural encyclopedia / Christian Roy.

Traditional artists are not thus acting out some ethnographic script created by festival organisers. Rather, regional cultural ideas assume national symbolic positions in light of varied social interactions occasioned by festival events Basch et al. In a way the festival encouraged artists to speak for themselves and other community members, and as such it extended their cultural repertoire far beyond the terrain of the festival grounds. For this reason festival participants expressed their pleasure and pride about having a yearly festival whose success has led to the establishment of various regional folk-fairs.

The festival is not thus a diversion from the regional reality but a tool for the presentation and preservation of cultural diversity within an Eritrean national entity. The verbal, musical, kinesthetic, and material artistry of these two ethnic groups is exemplary and grounded in the indigenous livelihoods of Eritrean societies. The attempt to establish such regional folk-fairs and the heightened awareness of the worth of festivals as cultural conservation and national identity formation in Eritrea is a step forward in the realisation of these directions and speaks loudly to the possible fulfilment of these aspirations.

They can be frozen in time and preserved by museums, anthropologists, folklorists or historians. This implies that individuals should be provided with a considerable amount of independence to pursue their own conceptions of the good. According to Barry, all individuals should be given the means for this pursuit. In practice, this means that all individuals are entitled to freedoms that enable them to pursue their own conceptions of the good and lifestyles; in particular, Barry considers that freedom of association and conscience play a fundamental role in enabling individuals in this pursuit.

Individuals may choose to live a lifestyle that liberals may disapprove of; however, Barry , p. First, treating people equally means to furnish individuals with an equal set of basic legal, political and civil rights. That is, equality requires endorsing a unitary conception of citizenship.

Second, the commitment to equality entails that the state has the duty to promote equality of opportunity. For Barry, there is an equal opportunity when uniform rules generate the same set of choices to all individuals Barry, This means that there is equality of opportunity if and only if, in a specific situation, different individuals have the capacity to make the choice that is needed to achieve their aims. For example, imagine that Sam and John want both to be medical doctors; imagine that Sam is from a working class family and John from an upper class family.

Sam does not have the economic resources to study, but John has. In such a situation, assuming that the economic factor is the only relevant factor for equalizing choice, in order to achieve equality of opportunity, Sam should be given a similar amount of economic resources to John, so that he has the same capacity to make the choice of a career in medicine.

Therefore, equality of opportunity requires that individuals be treated according to their needs. Barry also argues that equality of opportunity entails that the is under the duty of equalizing choice sets, not equalizing the outcomes that result from the decisions people make in those choice sets. Taking this normative groundwork on board, Barry offers six arguments against giving rights to cultural groups.

Four of these are a result of his liberal theory; the other two are independent arguments not related to his theory.

The first argument against difference-sensitive policies for cultural groups presented by Barry is that this would be a violation of neutrality. Barry believes that liberals are committed to non-interference in the cultural character of society; as a result, liberalism is incompatible with difference-sensitive policies. In practice, what this implies for multicultural demands is that any kind of exemption, recognition, assistance or any other kind of group right should be denied on the grounds of neutrality.

In other words, if the group right and, in particular the exemption to the law, promotes a universal human interest, then it is acceptable Barry, , pp. For instance, Muslim girls cannot be refused education on the grounds of a minor issue such as dress codes, because education is a universal human interest.

Fourth, Barry contends that because neither culture nor cultural demands are a universal interest per se , then the unequal treatment that is acceptable for universal interests does not apply to these Barry, , pp. However, Barry affirms that these choice sets should be equalized only if these are choice sets about universal interests, which culture is not. In short, exemptions can and should be guaranteed for universal or higher-order interests but not for particular interests.

To these arguments, he adds two ad hoc arguments. First, that difference-sensitive rights that aim to protect economic resources are temporary, while cultural rights are permanent. This means that those who need economic resources to equalize their choice sets only need this aid temporarily Barry, , pp. Contrastingly, according to Barry, group rights to protect culture are required permanently. Like the case of the Sikh, a permanent law that exempted Sikhs from wearing helmets would be necessary.

The other ad hoc argument is that when there is a reasonable argument it should be applied without exception. If there is a case for exception, then the rule should be abandoned. According to him, it is philosophically incoherent to provide a universal justification for a rule and then relativize the reason just given Barry, , pp.

Kukathas considers that human beings have only one fundamental interest: the interest in living according to their conscience. Hence, Kukathas considers that identity is connected with morality because what individuals are is their self-interpretation, which ultimately is provided by moral evaluation. A human rights activist and a terrorist can be both acting according to their conscience even if they are doing opposite things.

Owing to the fact that conscience is a fundamental interest, Kukathas contends that the state is under the duty to protect this interest. According to Kukathas, freedom of association is primarily defined as the right to exit groups, that is, freedom of association exists when individuals have the freedom to leave or dissociate from a group they are part of.

In other words, essential to this version of freedom of association is the idea that individuals should not be forced to remain members of communities they do not wish to associate with. Therefore, according to this definition, freedom of association is not about the freedom of entering a specific group; rather, it is about the freedom to leave those groups that individuals want to dissociate from Kukathas, b, p. According to Kukathas, there are two necessary and jointly sufficient conditions for individuals to have the freedom to exit. These conditions are that individuals are not physically barred from leaving, and that there is a place similar to a market society where they can exit.

According to this theory of freedom, the functions of the state are quite limited. These forms of welfare should be provided by associations, if those associations wish to provide them. In practice, this means that the state has two functions.


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First, the state has to guarantee that there is no violation of freedom of association, that is , that individuals within associations are not being forced to remain members by being physically barred from leaving. Second, it means that the state should regulate so that there is no aggression between associations.

So, even though associations can endorse practices that are extremely aggressive towards their members, it is a requirement for Kukathas that there is mutual toleration between associations. Societies cannot commit acts of aggression towards each other and, if they do, the state can, in his view, legitimately intervene to stop this aggression. Bearing in mind the functions of the state and the internal structure of associations, this society would be a society of societies. Each society or group would have its own legislation, that is, they would have jurisdictional independence Kukathas, b, p.

Taking this on board, in this first wave of writings on multiculturalism, the debate has centered on discussing the justice of difference-sensitive policies in the liberal context. On the whole, there are two difference positions taken by contemporary liberal political philosophers who have written on multiculturalism; some defend that difference-sensitive policies are justified, whereas others argue that they are a deviation from the core values of liberalism. More recently, a second wave of writings on multiculturalism has appeared. In this, contemporary liberal political philosophers have not focused so much on debates about justice between different groups; rather, they have focused on justice within groups.

Thus, the debate has changed to the analysis of the potentially perverse effects of policies to protect minority cultural groups with regard to the members of these minority cultural groups. Contemporary liberal political philosophers have now switched to discussing the practical implications that those that aimed at correcting inter-group equality could have for the members of those groups that the policies are directed to.

In particular, the worry is that the policies for enabling members of minority groups to pursue their culture could favor some members of minority groups over others. That is, this new debate is about the risks that those policies for protecting cultural groups could have in undermining the status of the weaker members of these groups. In other words, those policies may give group leaders all kinds of power that reinforce or facilitate cruelty and discrimination within the group Phillips, a, pp.

Three kinds of internal minorities have received special attention from contemporary political philosophers: these are bisexuals, gays and lesbians, women and children. Some philosophers are concerned about how policies meant to protect minority cultural groups can potentially impose serious threats and harm the interests and rights of lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals.

In some minority cultural groups, lesbian gay and bisexuals within minorities are very disadvantaged by the unintended consequences of multicultural politics Levy, ; Swaine, , pp. Heterosexism is a cross-cutting issue in minority cultural groups and society in general , covering diverse areas of life, ranging from basic freedoms and rights, employment, education, family life, economic and welfare rights, sexual freedom, physical and psychological integrity, safety, and so forth. In general terms, it can be affirmed that lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals have an interest in bodily and psychological integrity, sexual freedom, participation in cultural and political life, family life, basic civil and political rights, economic and employment equality and access to welfare provision.

Sometimes, lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals have their freedom of association, opinion, expression, assembly, and thought limited European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, , pp. Minority cultural groups can jeopardize these interests due to hierarchies of power within groups. Some groups use a variety of norms of social control. Also in some groups, participation in political decisions and freedom of expression is culturally determined.

Many lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals are victims of physical and psychological harassment, murder, hate speech, hate crimes, brutal sexual conversion therapies, and corrective rape, among other kinds of physical and psychological violence. In the case of employment, this refers to anti-discrimination law in the workplace and in admission for jobs.

Although not many religious groups have armed forces, this example could apply to the Swiss Army that protects the Vatican. Bearing this in mind, some contemporary political philosophers have discussed to what extent giving special rights to groups can potentially facilitate the imposition of such unequal and cruel practices. Some philosophers, especially liberal feminist philosophers, have raised concerns about the implications of providing special rights to groups for women. Okin has contended that most cultures in the world are patriarchal and gendered and, consequently, providing rights to groups may help with reinforcing oppressive gendered and patriarchal practices.

Female genital mutilation, a practice that some communities engage in, is considered by some feminists to be a cruel practice that undermines the sexual health of women and aims at controlling their bodies. Polygamy is a practice that some communities follow, with some feminists contending that this practice is deeply disrespectful to women, and a clear way of treating women unequally. Taking this on board, the concern expressed by some feminists is that empowering groups with special rights may reinforce female oppression.

For example, if some communities are exempt from the health practices of the majority of society, this may help them to perpetuate and spread the practice of female genital mutilation. Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize that the view that cultures are necessarily patriarchal, gendered and oppressive for women is not a unanimous position among feminists. Indeed, Volpp and Phillips a , for instance, have defended the position that many feminists take an ethnocentric point of view when analyzing minority practices and misunderstand the true meaning of practices.

Furthermore, Volpp and Phillips contend that many women in minority cultures are agents capable of making their own choices; therefore some of those practices that can be considered oppressive from a Western point of view should not be banned. The implications of special rights to children who are members of minority cultures is also a topic that has received some attention from contemporary political philosophers Reich, The concerns with respect to children are especially with regards to physical and psychological abuse and lack of education.

With respect to physical and psychological abuse, some groups may have practices that are harmful for children. For example, some groups practice shunning, a practice that consists of ostracizing those who do not follow their norms or who have done something that is disapproved of by the community. The traditional scarification of children that some African communities practice is also a practice that may be considered to entail physical abuse. With respect to education, there are groups who wish to take their children out of school at an earlier age.

Some may argue that removing children from school earlier than their peers may strongly disadvantage these children because they will potentially not acquire the minimum skills necessary to find a job, and will not receive enough education to make autonomous choices.

Saluran unggulan

Other groups consider that education should be mainly about the study of the religious scripture, and they sometimes disregard other kinds of education. Owing to the fact that schools are a central vehicle of autonomy and cultural transmission and because children are at a formative age and, thereby, much more likely to be influenced by the way they are brought up, some political philosophers have shown concern about the impact of giving special rights to groups that may treat children inappropriately, indoctrinate them, and maybe disadvantage them when compared with children who are not members of those groups.

It is important to emphasize, however, that this is not to say that providing special rights to minority groups entails that children, women and gays, lesbians and bisexuals will be disadvantaged. Many postcolonial philosophers, like Mookherjee , have contended that even though there may be worries about internal oppression, sometimes these worries are misplaced. Routinely, members of minority cultures see value in their cultural practices and wish to endorse them, despite the fact that these practices may look oppressive for outsiders. Furthermore, sometimes practices may seem illiberal to an outsider, but because their social meaning differs from the one given by the outsider, the practice is not illiberal Horton, Another topic that has not been explored very much is how multicultural policies can have perverse effects on non-human sentient animals.

Assume that animals have three kinds of interests.

Traditional Festivals by Christian Roy (ebook)

First, they have the interest in not having gross suffering inflicted upon them Casal, ; Cochrane, Second, non-human sentient animals have an interest in some degree of negative freedom: they have an interest in not being physically restricted in cages or forced to undertake hard labor. Third, non-human sentient animals have an interest in having access to resources for their well-being; in particular, non-human sentient animals have an interest in receiving veterinary care and in not being malnourished or denied food.

There are cultural groups which have practices that interfere with the interests of non-human sentient animals and in terms of multiculturalism these policies may give cultural groups powers that may facilitate animal cruelty. Some cultural groups engage in particular animal slaughtering practices because their religion imposes that meat is cut in a specific way before it is eaten. An example of how multicultural policies can be damaging for non-human sentient animals is if the exemption of minority groups from state laws on animal cruelty could lead to the facilitation of inflicting these harmful practices on animals.

This topic raises also a problem of legitimacy. Most majority societies fail to treat animals with respect and do not usually protect the interests of non-human sentient animals. As a result, a philosophical question that may arise is whether intervention in the practices of minorities mistreat non-human sentient animals would be legitimate, given the fact that majorities themselves fail to treat animals with respect. Multiculturalism Cultural diversity has been present in societies for a very long time.

The Concepts of Culture in Contemporary Political Theory Multiculturalism is before anything else a theory about culture and its value. The Semiotic Perspective The semiotic conception of culture was very popular in the s, and has its roots in classic social anthropology. The Normative Conception The normative conception of culture is usually adopted by communitarians.

The Societal Conception The societal conception of culture is a concept mainly used by the Canadian philosopher Kymlicka. Anti-Essentialism and Cosmopolitanism The concepts of culture mentioned above have been strongly criticized by some political theorists. The Concept of Multiculturalism In general terms, within contemporary political philosophy, the concept of multiculturalism has been defined in two different ways.

Multicultural Citizenship Generally speaking, the philosophy of those authors who defend a multicultural citizenship, have five points in common. Taylor's Politics of Recognition According to Taylor, there are two forms of recognition; intimate recognition and public recognition.

Bearing this in mind, recognition is a vital human need because the relation between recognition and identity the way people understand who they are is relatively strong; hence, misrecognition or non-recognition may have a serious harmful effect on individuals In order to discuss the best way to achieve recognition in the public realm, Taylor draws a distinction between procedural and non-procedural forms of liberalism.

Kymlicka's Multicultural Liberalism Kymlicka believes that group rights are compatible and promote the liberal values of freedom and equality. Shachar's Transformative Accommodation Shachar is another philosopher who has defended a kind of multicultural citizenship. Negative Universalism The other approach to the philosophical discussion about justice between groups can be called negative universalism Festenstein, The Second Wave of Writings on Multiculturalism Taking this on board, in this first wave of writings on multiculturalism, the debate has centered on discussing the justice of difference-sensitive policies in the liberal context.

Gays, Lesbians and Bisexuals Some philosophers are concerned about how policies meant to protect minority cultural groups can potentially impose serious threats and harm the interests and rights of lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals. Women Some philosophers, especially liberal feminist philosophers, have raised concerns about the implications of providing special rights to groups for women. Children The implications of special rights to children who are members of minority cultures is also a topic that has received some attention from contemporary political philosophers Reich, Animals and Multiculturalism Another topic that has not been explored very much is how multicultural policies can have perverse effects on non-human sentient animals.

References and Further Reading Appiah, K. Colour conscious: the political morality of race. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Barry, B. Justice as impartiality. New York: Oxford University Press. Real freedom and basic income. Journal of Political Philosophy , 4 3 , Statism and nationalism: a cosmopolitan critique. Shapiro, and L. Brilmayer, Eds. Global justice.

Culture and equality: an egalitarian critique of multiculturalism. Cambridge: Polity Press. Second thoughts—and some first thoughts revived. Kelly, Ed. Multiculturalism reconsidered: culture and equality and its critics. Cambridge: Polity Press, pp. Why social justice matters. Benhabib, S. The claims of culture: equality and diversity in the global era. Casal, P. Is multiculturalism bad for animals? Journal of Political Philosophy , 11 1 , Cochrane, A. Animal rights and animal experiments. An interest-based approach. Res publica , 13 3 , - Cochrane, A.

An introduction to animals and political theory. Homophobia and discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity in the EU member states: part ii - the social situation. Festenstein, M. Negotiating diversity: culture, deliberation, trust. Fraser, N. Recognition without ethics? Gurr, T. Minorities at risk: a global view of ethnopolitical conflicts. Han, E. Contestation and adaptation: The politics of national identity in China.

He, B. Minority rights with Chinese characteristics. In He, B. Multiculturalism in Asia. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Horton, J. Liberalism and multiculturalism: once more unto the breach. Haddock, and P. Sutch, Eds. Multiculturalism, identity, and rights. Routledge innovations in political theory.

London and New York: Routledge, pp. Kukathas, C. Can a liberal society tolerate illiberal elements? Policy , 17 2 , Equality and diversity. The life of Brian, or now something completely difference-blind. Responsibility for past injustice: how to shift the burden. The liberal archipelago: a theory of diversity and freedom. Kymlicka, W. Multicultural citizenship: a liberal theory of minority rights. Comments on Shachar and Spinner-Halev: an update from the multiculturalism wars.

Joppke, and S. Lukes, Eds. Multicultural questions. Liberal complacencies. Cohen, M. Howard, and M. Nussbaum, Eds.

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Is multiculturalism bad for women? Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. Politics in the vernacular: nationalism, multiculturalism, and citizenship. Contemporary political philosophy: an introduction , 2nd ed. Laitin, D. Nations, states and violence , Oxford: Oxford University Press. Levy, J. The multiculturalism of fear. Sexual orientation, exit and refugee. Eisenberg, and J. Spinner-Halev, Eds. Minorities within minorities: equality, rights and diversity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.

Masters, B. Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World. The roots of sectarianism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mookherjee, M. Affective citizenship: feminism, postcolonialism and the politics of recognition.

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Narayan, U. Essence of culture and a sense of history: a feminist critique of cultural essentialism. Hypatia , 13 2 , Okin, S. Ethics , 2 , Parekh, B. The logic of intercultural evaluation. Horton, and S. Mendus, Eds. Toleration, identity and difference.

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