Peace and Conflict in Ladakh (Brills Tibetan Studies Library)


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The Construction of a Fragile Web of Order

By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Brills Tibetan Studies Library, Vol. Leiden, Boston: Brill. Judith Beyer. Her book is based on extensive periods of fieldwork in this part of the Himalayan mountain range, supplemented by historical and comparative research on Tibet where she worked previously. The book is well-written and enjoyable to read. It includes two maps and several colored photographs, as well as a glossary and an index.

Second, how do the Ladakhis maintain their social order? Third, why do the Ladakhis place interests of their community above their own rights? And fourth, what role does Buddhism play in the maintenance of social order? While different systems of governance were imposed on the rural population throughout the centuries, Pirie emphasizes that people in the remote areas of Ladakh have always tried to decide community matters, particularly internal disputes, autonomously from state officials and the Ladakhi kings.

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Surprisingly, this reservation also concerns the local monasteries and individual Buddhist leaders. Pirie argues that, while Buddhism forms an integral part of Ladakhi culture, it is kept separate from village affairs. Series: Brill s Tibetan Studies Library File: PDF, 4. Baca buku online Send-to-Kindle or Email Please login to your account first. The file will be sent to your email address. It may take up to minutes before you receive it. The file will be sent to your Kindle account. It may takes up to minutes before you received it. Please note you've to add our NEW email km bookmail.

Read more. Kot-kafir 2 after Olivieri and Vidale , p. Other types have three to five tall tiers and a simple mast NP5, NP6 , while some elementary stepped shrines have crescent finials NP7. The shrine with the segmented body NP8 shares design affinities with our Group V. Thewalt 51, 52 characterizes these simple stepped shrines as derivatives of stupas and depictions of temples and other kinds of stone buildings that once stood in Gilgit and Kashmir.

For other examples of simple shrines from Indus Kohistan close in form to Upper Tibetan types, see Thewalt , figs. There are elementary stepped shrines characterized as primitive forms of stupas or stupa derivatives found in the rock art of Chilas, Hodur and Hunza, which appear to date to the 9 th and 10 th centuries CE, a period that also saw the creation of the last canonical Buddhist engravings in northern Pakistan. These late tower-like structures are crowned by banners and tridents and are not accompanied by inscriptions.

These carvings and other rock art characteristic of the same period are attributed to warlike local tribes.

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See Hauptmann , pp. Jettmar 67 sees the tower-like stepped shrines as representations of vertically oriented cosmological models, the output of an aggressive people who rose to prominence. While certain stepped figures with peaked tops found in the rock art of Indus Kohistan are possibly depictions of buildings, those that concern us do not appear to be so. Like parallel forms in Upper Tibet and Ladakh, they are identifiable as stepped shrines, and do not necessarily owe their existence to stupas. The simple tiered shrines of Chilas were the handiwork of peoples professing non-Buddhist or syncretic religious traditions.

Due to difficulties in dating the rudimentary stupas and elementary stepped shrines of Indus Kohistan, the chronological, as well as the cultural relationships between them, are unknown to us. Stepped shrines painted in red ochre, whose form is more in accordance with elementary types than chortens , have been documented at the Palwano and Kafir-kot 2 sites in Swat NP9. The stepped shrines of Swat are comparable in form save for the finials with our Group II. According to Olivieri and Vidale , , stupas at Kafir-kot 1 and 2 are depicted with architectural traits of the 2 nd or 3 rd century CE, a period of Buddhist cultural domination in Swat lasted from BCE to CE.

The Kafir-kot specimens are surrounded by archers on horseback, exhibiting a recurring theme of opposition between Buddhist architecture and mounted warriors ibid. Filigenzi a: 35 suggests that the simple red ochre tiered shrines of Kafir-kot were either made under Buddhist inspiration by Kafir-Dardic tribes generic label for prominent peoples of the region that interacted with the dominant Buddhist culture, or by those with an entirely different creed. Filigenzi b: , adds that these so-called Kafir-Dardic tribes probably had economic ties to Buddhist settlements, which acted as an impetus for the creation of the tiered shrines.

Other red ochre stepped shrines of two to four graduated tiers at the Nokkono Ghwand site in Swat have a series of cross-pieces on the spire, and are associated with archers and other anthropomorphic figures Khan These elementary shrines are somewhat reminiscent of specimens in our group XIV.

Both the Upper Tibetan and Swat stepped shrines can be ascribed to non-Buddhist or nominally Buddhist peoples of their respective localities. Filigenzi b discusses evidence indicating that in the Late Antique period ca. According to scholarly estimates, the earliest stepped shrines in northern Pakistan appeared around the start of the Common Era. On epigraphic and artistic grounds, the same might be said of those from Ladakh.

As we have seen, some elementary shrines in the rock art of Upper Tibet are attributable to the Protohistoric period and are of comparable age. By virtue of the oldest elementary stepped shrines in the rock art of northern Pakistan, Ladakh and Upper Tibet of seemingly equal antiquity, it is not yet possible to ascertain which region may have been first to produce them. Nor is it known how stepped shrines diffused in the greater region.

This sphere of interactivity may have stretched from Gnam mtsho in the east to Gilgit and beyond in the west. Recent discoveies discussed above seem to expand this sphere of interactivity even farther east to Yul shul in northeast Tibet, which was of sufficient force to influence subject selection in the rock art of Northwest China. According to a heavily mythologized historical tradition, Tibet was instrumental in the import of Bon culture to northern Pakistan.


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Set in the time of an epic battle between the gods and demons, the text claims that the gshen of the Ya ngal, Mtshe and Gco lineages established Bru sha gnam gsas as the capital of Bru sha Hunza-Nagyr, Gilgit, Yasin and probably adjoining areas. The king of Bru sha, Sad wer, is said to have introduced Bon throughout the wider region.

A later king of Bru sha gnam gsas is recorded as having a son named Lha bu gsas khyung and his son was Mtshe btsan skyes. Hoffman ibid. The account by Kun grol grags pa is probably based on earlier sources and may in a fashion preserve a memory of prehistoric cultural interactions between Upper Tibet and northern Pakistan. However, it so full of tropes and mythic narratives e. Given the evidence presented in this monograph, it can be concluded that one stream of cross-cultural communications in the greater region was distinctly non-Buddhist in makeup.

This corpus of cognate subjects and styles in rock art serves to define an interrelated artistic and ideological ground of significant depth. For some researchers this signifies bon. Provided this term is applied generically to denote customs and traditions that circulated throughout the wider region, in contradistinction to Buddhist ones, it carries some analytical weight.

However, prior to the Imperial period, there is no substantive archaeological or artistic evidence for a singular religion extending from Gnam mtsho to Gilgit and Wakhan.

To the contrary, it appears that there were many languages and self-identified polities and cultural formations in this gigantic territory, as in more recent times. As evidenced in the diverse archaeological records of the broader region, it is hardly possible that they all possessed the same non-Buddhist religion in what is called the Protohistoric period in this work.

Rather, it appears that there was an ideological and artistic substratum underpinning the cultural mosaic of northern Pakistan and the Western Tibetan Plateau in that time. This trans-cultural bequest of common artistic and ideological elements is embodied in what might be called archetypal rock art subjects of Upper Tibet, Ladakh and northern Pakistan, including swastikas, sunbursts, and archers hunting large wild ungulates like ibexes, wild sheep and wild yaks.

Among the most compelling evidence for cross-cultural linkages in Upper Tibet, Ladakh, northern Pakistan and the Pamirs is Eurasian animal style rock art and bronze, silver and gold objects. The Eurasian animal style entered northern Pakistan and the Western Tibetan Plateau as early as the early Iron Age its origins seem to lie in the steppes and the Altai , and persisted on the Western Tibetan Plateau well into the Protohistoric period.

The cultural, demographic and environmental forces behind the adoption of the Eurasian animal style set the historical tempo for the cross-cultural uptake of stepped shrine rock art. Reaching even farther back in time is cognate chariot and mascoid anthropomorphic visage in emblematic form rock art of northern Pakistan, Ladakh, Upper Tibet, and Spiti mascoids only.

There is a wide range of works on Eurasian animal style rock art and artifacts in Upper Tibet, Ladakh and northern Pakistan and other regions of Inner Asia. For example, see Sher ; Francfort et al. On these chariots and mascoids, see Bruneau and Bellezza , pp.

Thus, the adoption of stepped shrine rock art in northern Pakistan and the Western Tibetan Plateau was proceeded by Late Bronze Age and Iron Age artistic forms, antecedent emblems of cultural interchange extending across this large and varied territory. In the Protohistoric period, the corpus of trans-cultural rock art subjects was joined by elementary stepped shrines, as another example of widely circulating models that transcended the geographic bounds of individual cultures.

This infiltration and rearrangement of the cultural mosaic augmented resonances between its constituent parts. Like the spread of older archetypal rock art subjects, stepped shrines served as symbolic agents that connected far-flung areas to create a sphere of cultural and technological interactivity extending from the Hindu Kush to the Byang-thang. The character of this sphere of cultural and technological interactivity in the Protohistoric period remains difficult to assess.

Whatever common religious and ceremonial elements are incumbent in stepped shrine art and architecture, these were particularized to fit the proclivities and exigencies of each people that assimilated them. Cultural groups in the Upper Tibet, Spiti, Ladakh, and northern Pakistan exploited this interregional currency to express their own ritual, mythic and belief patterns. On matters regarding the complicated question of the ethnic and linguistic composition of the WTP in antiquity, see my comments in Bruneau and Bellezza , p.

Elementary stepped shrines must have also acted as focal points for ideas and practices flowing between cultures. If indications from the Tibetan textual tradition are applicable to the territory as a whole and to earlier strata of cultural development, these shrines may have served as cosmological microcosms and as ritual instruments for the propitiation of local deities.

Ethnographic and historical sources intimate that trans-cultural beliefs, customs and traditions may have included juniper incense and the horns of wild ungulates for invoking deities; white-colored ancestral and cosmogonic figures; spirits in the guise of wild yaks, wild sheep and ibex; and the depiction of sunbursts and swastikas in religious observances. These are just a few examples among a host of potential cosmological, ritual and mythic traits that could have assumed a trans-cultural purview encompassing Upper Tibet, Ladakh and northern Pakistan.

The historical and geographic origins of elementary shrines in rock art remain to be determined. They may ultimately have been inspired by the Indian stupa or they could have sprung up indigenously as prototypic modes of representation. Or perhaps an entirely different source must be considered? In any case, these facsimiles of religious constructions were well established in Upper Tibet, Ladakh and northern Pakistan ideologically and esthetically speaking; so much so that they appear to have become a natural or unremarked cultural prop of the peoples who embraced them.

The origins of stupa rock art seem more straightforward than those of the elementary stepped shrines. The largest and most sophisticated concentration of engraved stupas is in northern Pakistan. Questions concerning Buddhist sources for the stupa rock art of northern Pakistan are beyond the scope of this monograph. Clearly, major Buddhist centers were involved; viz. Recently, a sample taken from the wooden axis pole of a ruined chorten at Tirisa Nubra valley was subject to radiocarbon analysis and yielded a calibrated date in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.

See Bruneau and Vernier , pp. I have found no epigraphic or artistic evidence indicating the transfer of stupas from the cis-Himalayan regions of Himachal Pradesh to Spiti and western Tibet, strengthening a northern vector of transmission. Pre-existing elementary stepped shrine rock art in Ladakh, Upper Tibet and Spiti had a potent influence on how chortens in those regions were conceived and articulated in the Imperial period.

During the time of the Tibetan empire, complex designs as well as distinctive artistic elements, such as the sun and moon finial, long spires and round vases, of northwestern chortens also made their way to western Tibet. The conveyors of northwestern artistic traits may have been adherents of both Buddhist and non-Buddhist traditions, those traveling and communicating in the wider region in the Tibetan empire period. Tibetan troops, administrators and traders who reached as far as Wakhan must have been among them.

Similarly, people from the northwestern reaches of the empire and theatre of military operations who visited western Tibet for commercial, official and religious purposes are likely to have contributed to its repertoire of rock art chortens. Aas, Lars R. Sarrebruck: Dr. Anagarika Govinda, Lama. Emeryville: Dharma Publishing. Bellezza, John V. Tibet Archaeology www. Paris: CNRS.

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Bruneau, Laurianne and Bellezza, John V. Olivieri et al. Oxford: Archaeopress. Cayton, Lori J. Ann Arbor: UMI. Chen Xiaocheng. The Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage. Cheremisin, D. Chinese Archaeology Writer. Combaz, Gisbert. Cook, Elizabeth and Yeshe De Project. The Stupa: Sacred Symbol of Enlightenment. Berkeley: Dharma Publishing. Davidson, Ronald, M. De Marco, Giuseppe. Rome: IsMEO. Denwood, Philip.

Zanskar and the Cave Temples of Ladakh. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski , vol. Dallapiccola , pp. Denwood, Philip and Howard, Neil F. Skorupski , pp. Tring: Institute of Buddhist Studies. Devers, Quentin. Doney et al.

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Ladakhi Histories : Local and Regional Perspectives

Harvey, Peter. Hauptmann, Harald. Bianca , pp. Hill, Nathan, W.

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Brill S Tibetan Studies Library: Peace and Conflict in Ladakh Volume 13 (Electronic book text)

Karmay, Samten G. Kathmandu: Mandala Book Point. The Treasury of Good Sayings. A Tibetan History of Bon. Reprint, Motilal Banarsidass, Dehli. Khan, Nazir. Kozicz, Gerald. Lopez, Jr. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Lin, Tung-Kuang. Antique Tibetan Thogchags and Seals trans. Taiwan: Liao, Yue-Tao. Linrothe, Rob.

Litvinsky, Boris A. Jettmar, D. Bemmann , pp. Maillard, Monique and Jera-Bezard, Robert. Mani, B. Martin, Dan. Martin, Nils. Menyag Geshe Namdak Tsukphu. Mchod rten gyi dpe ris blo gsar mgul rgyan Bon Stupa: Illustrations and Explanations. Mock, John. Nebesky-Wojkowitz, R.

LADAKH TRIP - DAYS IN LADKH - 009

Oracles and Demons of Tibet. Neelis, Jason. Taddei and G. Rossi , vol. Merigar: Shang Shung Publications.

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